The PVI is designed to provide a quick overall assessment of generic partisan strength. And after redistricting, the median House seat (Michigan's 8th CD) retains a modest skew of R+1, virtually unchanged from the old map. There were 17 that voted for Trump in 2016 and Biden in 2020, and only two Florida's 26th and Texas's 23rd that voted for Clinton in 2016 and Trump in 2020. But how do you calculate this for uncontested elections? Cook PVI: D+25: New York's 16th congressional district is a congressional district for the United States House of Representatives represented by Jamaal Bowman. Using the results of the 2016 and 2020 elections for current boundaries that first took effect in 2012 (or later, in the case of court-ordered maps in Florida, North Carolina, Pennsylvania and Virginia), we have updated these PVI scores to use as a baseline to evaluate how districts shift as a result of post-2020 census redistricting in the run-up to the 2022 midterm elections. If a district performed within half a point of the national average in either direction, we assign it a score of EVEN. To determine the "national value" for these latest Cook PVI scores, we've taken a weighted (75/25) average of the Democratic share of the two-party presidential vote in 2020 and 2016, which is roughly 51.98 percent. Le Cook Partisan Voting Index (en franais Index Cook du vote partisan), souvent abrg en CPVI ou tout simplement PVI, est une mesure du degr avec lequel un district congressionnel ou un tat des tats-Unis penche vers le Parti dmocrate ou le Parti rpublicain, compar l'ensemble des tats-Unis.L'index est mis jour aprs chaque cycle lectoral. However, the2021-2022 redistricting process could push back against this pro-competitive tide. First introduced in 1997, the Cook PVI measures how each state and district performs at the presidential level compared to the nation as a whole. New Hampshire's 1st congressional district covers parts of Southern New Hampshire and the eastern portion of the state. The trading range of what constitutes a truly competitive seat has narrowed over the past three decades as split-ticket voting has declined. In 2021, the Cook Political Report teamed up with Dave Leip's Atlas of U.S. Presidential Elections to calculate 2020's results by district. After the hyper-polarized 2016 election, there were only 72 districts between D+5 and R+5 - less than one-sixth of the House and a 56 percent decline since 1997. First introduced in 1997, the Cook PVI measures how each state and district performs at the presidential level compared to the nation as a whole. The Cook County Clerk's office produces a plethora of maps pertaining to elections and taxing districts. These include five Hispanic majority seats where Trump surged (three in South Texas and two in South Florida), but also four northern districts where Democrats' strength among blue-collar voters has waned: Reps. Frank Mrvan (IN-01), Dan Kildee (MI-05), Tim Ryan (OH-13) and Jim Langevin (RI-02). "[6], Cook produces an updated PVI for all 50 states and each of the 435 congressional districts following each presidential election and redistricting cycle. Second, ten previously "strongly Democratic" (D+5 or more) districts got more competitive. The median Republican-held seat has a PVI score of R+12, up from R+7 in 1997. Thus, Partisan Propensity Index, or PPI, is defined as the percentage chance that the Democrat would have won and open-seat race for Congress in a particular district given the conditions. But because Ds hold most seats in both categories, Rs have more pickup opportunities from revamped lines. In a few states, these results are aggregated by district by state and/or local election authorities. However, in others they are not, and the reported election results do not account for some votes that are reported centrally and not redirected back to the voters precinct. FiveThirtyEight has documented the partisan lean of each district today according to its metrics and the proposals put forward.. We'll update this page often as more votes are counted, using results compiled from official sources. And, the occupants of the few remaining "crossover" districts are at the top of each party's target lists in 2022, threatening to winnow their ranks further. Ballotpedia does not curate or endorse these articles. In August of 1997, The Cook Political Report introduced the Cook Partisan Voting Index (Cook PVI) as a means of providing a more accurate picture of the competitiveness of each of the 435 congressional districts. Congressional Districts Sources: Polidata, Cook Political Report, U.S. Census Bureau State,District,Incumbent,Party,2012 PVI,2014 PVI,Dem Shift,White% Alabama,1 . Following each election and round of redistricting, presidential results are compiled to generate PVI scores for each congressional district. For Florida's 27 House districts,. The district is the smallest congressional district by area in the U.S. The district is represented by Democrat Tom Malinowski, who was first elected in 2018, defeating Republican incumbent Leonard Lance . We have released new PVI scores following every election and instance of redistricting since 1996, each time taking into account the prior two presidential elections. The 13th district comprises Upper Manhattan and parts of the West Bronx. For example, the boundaries of West Virginias 2nd CD have barely changed since 1997, but its PVI score has shifted from EVEN to R+20 as its voters have moved away from national Democrats. All four Utah districts make the list, a reflection of Donald Trump's weaker appeal in 2016 and 2020 relative to Mitt Romney's in 2012. Now that all 50 states have finalized new lines for the 2022 elections, the Cook Political Report is pleased to introduce the 25th Anniversary edition of the Cook Partisan Voting Index (Cook PVI) for all 50 states and 435 congressional districts, reflecting new post-redistricting boundaries. However, in 2020, for the first time since we launched the PVI in 1997, the number of "swing seats" rebounded slightly from 72 to 78. Then again, we could be talking about new districts "unraveling" ten years from now. if(document.getElementsByClassName("reference").length==0) if(document.getElementById('Footnotes')!==null) document.getElementById('Footnotes').parentNode.style.display = 'none'; Ballotpedia features 391,498 encyclopedic articles written and curated by our professional staff of editors, writers, and researchers. Calculating presidential results by district following elections and redistricting involves some judgment calls, and although this dataset reflects POLIDATAs best efforts, in rare cases raw vote data are subject to revision upon further post-election review. That still pales in comparison to the numbers of solidly Republican (192) and Democratic seats (165). Ultimately, this means that the new PVIs will be about two points bluer than under the old system - e.g., a district that would have been R+10 will now come in at R+8. if("undefined"==typeof window.datawrapper)window.datawrapper={};window.datawrapper["DFSft"]={},window.datawrapper["DFSft"].embedDeltas={"100":464,"200":421,"300":400,"400":400,"500":400,"700":400,"800":400,"900":400,"1000":400},window.datawrapper["DFSft"].iframe=document.getElementById("datawrapper-chart-DFSft"),window.datawrapper["DFSft"].iframe.style.height=window.datawrapper["DFSft"].embedDeltas[Math.min(1e3,Math.max(100*Math.floor(window.datawrapper["DFSft"].iframe.offsetWidth/100),100))]+"px",window.addEventListener("message",function(a){if("undefined"!=typeof a.data["datawrapper-height"])for(var b in a.data["datawrapper-height"])if("DFSft"==b)window.datawrapper["DFSft"].iframe.style.height=a.data["datawrapper-height"][b]+"px"}); Cook's 2017 PVI report included the following congressional district statistics following the 2016 election cycle:[6][14], Cook's 2013 PVI report included the following congressional district statistics following the 2012 election cycle:[4]. The new sixth district was in the north-east corner of the state east of Baltimore, covering essentially the modern counties of Harford, Cecil and Kent. A small factor in Biden's edge: between 2016 and 2020, courts in North Carolina and Pennsylvania ordered new maps that were less favorable to Republicans. The Trump era reordered the political map. Below is our 2022 Cook Partisan Voting Index (Cook PVI) score for all 435 districts. 2022 Cook PVI scores for all 435 districts, 2022 Cook PVI scores for all 50 states and the District of Columbia. The Cook Political Report is pleased to introduce the post-2020 edition of the Partisan Voter Index (PVI) for all 50 states and 435 congressional districts. 0.7% other. The district contains Manchester, New Hampshire's most populous city, and its immediate suburbs. The index, developed by Charles Cook of the The Cook Political Report, compares each congressional district's score to that of the nation as a whole. Meanwhile, nearly all the top 25 most Democratic-trending districts are anchored by affluent suburbs - including ten in Texas, three in Georgia, three in Southern California. It's become fashionable to blame gerrymandering for polarization and Congress's ills. To determine the national average for these latest ratings, we have taken the average Democratic share of the two-party presidential vote for 2016 and 2020, which is roughly 51.7 percent. The New York State Independent Redistricting Commission has released congressional plans last September. A Cook Partisan Voting Index score of D+2, for example, means that in the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections, the state or district performed about two points more Democratic in terms of two-party vote share than the nation did as a whole, while a score of R+4 means the state or district performed about four points more Republican. But Democrats hold 15 districts with a PVI score of D+34 or greater. While other data such as the results of senatorial, gubernatorial, congressional and other local races can help fine-tune the exact partisan tilt of a particular district, those kinds of results dont allow a comparison of districts across state lines. The Cook Political Report is an independent, non-partisan newsletter that analyzes elections and campaigns for the US House of Representatives, US Senate, Governors and President as well as American political trends. In the 2012 presidential election, this district voted 58% for the Democrat (Obama) and 41% for the Republican (Romney). New Jersey's 7th congressional district includes all of Hunterdon County, and parts of Essex, Morris, Somerset, Union, and Warren counties. According to FiveThirtyEight, the old district had a partisan lean of R+5, while the new district has a partisan lean of D+4. NEW: by Cook PVI, four more districts shifted from R-leaning to D-leaning in redistricting than vice versa (17 to 13). Today, there are nine Republicans sitting in districts Biden carried, and seven Democrats in districts Trump carried. Refers to the Partisan Voting Index (PVI) as used by Charlie Cook, Washington's foremost political handicapper. Something nearly all these districts have in common: back in 2011, they were drawn by partisan mapmakers to be "safe" for one party. First introduced in 1997, the Cook PVI measures how each state and district performs at the presidential level compared to the nation as a whole. If they only carried 48%, the district would have a PVI score of R+4. In the vast majority of states and districts, this formula adjustment won't change the PVI score at all. DEMOCRATS REPUBLICANS D+20 R+20 Uncalled seats are shaded gray, new members are . Surprisingly, one of the top pro-GOP movers was the nation's most Democratic district in 2017, the New York's Bronx-based 15th CD. [10] [11] To view a comparison of the old and new district maps, click here . In 1997, our Partisan Voter Index scored 164 districts between D+5 and R+5, more than a third of the House and greater than the number of strongly Republican (148) and strongly Democratic (123) districts. Biden carried 224 of 435 districts, up from Hillary Clinton's 205 districts in 2016 and Obama's 209 in 2012. The outcome of this election has not been called yet. Note: This map is best viewed on desktop [6], The Cook Political Report relies on presidential vote data to produce the Partisan Voter Index (PVI) because presidential vote data can be used to compare districts across state lines, unlike data from other federal or state-level elections. Of the 240 Republican-leaning CDs, currently 72 are represented in the House Only 10 Republicans represent Democratic-leaning districts. Overall, 230 of 435 House seats are more Republican than the national average, forcing Democrats to win some GOP-leaning seats to win a majority. Subscribers can view the full 2021 Partisan Voter Index in downloadable, searchable charts. This is not to say redistricting hasnt had a big impact. Cook PVI: EVEN: Colorado's 8th congressional district is a new district in the United States House of Representatives that was apportioned after the 2020 United States census. In truth, redistricting is only responsible for a fraction of the decimation of swing seats over the past few decades. It consists of Polk County and Yamhill County, in addition to . The 16th district includes the northern Bronx and the southern half of Westchester County, . Only presidential results allow for total comparability. The Cook Report provides lots of background on what the data reveals about districts in the wake of Barack Obama's win and offers two useful lists of 50 districts that are getting more. The Cook Political Report's Partisan Voter Index (PVI) is a measurement tool that scores each congressional district based on how strongly it leans toward one political party. Cook PVI. New York State voters will elect representatives for these new districts during the 2022 general election. In 2004 Bush received 62% of the vote, 11% higher than what he received nationwide. Following each election and round of redistricting, presidential results are compiled to generate PVI scores for each congressional district. 2311 Wilson Blvd Third Floor, Arlington, VA 22201. We have released new PVI scores following every election and round of redistricting since 1996, each time taking into account the prior two presidential elections. 2nd --In 2000 Bush received 63% of the vote, 15% higher than what he received nationwide. Currently 240 CD's (Congressional Districts) lean Republican and 195 lean Democratic. Now that all 50 states have finalized new lines for the 2022 elections, the Cook Political Report is pleased to introduce the 25th Anniversary edition of the Cook Partisan Voting Index (Cook PVI) for all 50 states and 435 congressional districts, reflecting new post-redistricting boundaries. Active subscribers can request the 2022 Cook PVI in spreadsheet format here. According to Cook, the PVI "is an attempt to find an objective measurement of each congressional district that allows comparisons between states and districts, thereby making it relevant in both mid-term and presidential election years. District 1 also includes Derry, the fourth largest city in New Hampshire at 33,625. "This is a more working-class part of the Denver metro," Coleman said. In terms of voter registration, 44% of the active registered voters in the 8th District are unaffiliated, 28% are Democrats and 25% are Republicans. 2020's results also lay bare the decline in split-ticket voting. Using the 1992 and 1996 major-party Presidential voting results, the PVI measured how each congressional district performed compared to the nation as a whole. In other words, the gap between the two parties median districts has grown from 14 to 24 points. While other data such as the results of senatorial, gubernatorial, congressional and other local races can help fine-tune the exact partisan tilt of a particular district, those kinds of results dont allow a comparison of districts across state lines. Rep. Lucy McBath's GA-06 swung from R+8 to D+1, the biggest shift of any in the country. Our 12 unique sets of PVI scores over the past 25 years give us a powerful tool to isolate and quantify the impacts of sorting and redistricting on the makeup of House districts. The index is updated after each presidential election cycle, as well as after congressional redistricting. The chart below illustrates how much more sorted out the House is now than it was 20 years ago: !function(){"use strict";window.addEventListener("message",(function(a){if(void 0!==a.data["datawrapper-height"])for(var e in a.data["datawrapper-height"]){var t=document.getElementById("datawrapper-chart-"+e)||document.querySelector("iframe[src*='"+e+"']");t&&(t.style.height=a.data["datawrapper-height"][e]+"px")}}))}(); Click here to contact us for media inquiries, and please donate here to support our continued expansion. Candidate Chuck Schumer (D / Working Families Party) Joe Pinion (R / Conservative Party) Diane Sare (LaRouche) Incumbents are bolded and underlined. Only presidential results allow for total comparability. Today, it takes considerable personal appeal to win a House election in a district that fundamentally favors the opposite party. That's rendered recent election results a better indicator of how a state or district will vote in the future, and "ancestral" partisan performance of less but still some value. Republicans continue to benefit from an electoral map tilted in their favor on nearly all levels. These results are automatically generated from Google. So, if Joe Biden and Hillary Clinton both carried 57% of the vote in a given district in 2016 and 2020 respectively, the district would have a PVI score of roughly D+5. The 8th District has the largest percentage of Hispanic people of any of Colorado's U.S. House districts at 39%. A Partisan Voter Index score of D+2, for example, means that in the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections, that district performed an average of two points more Democratic than the nation did as a whole, while an R+4 means the district performed four points more Republican. First introduced in 1997, the Cook Partisan Voting Index (Cook PVI) measures how each state and district performs at the presidential level compared to the nation as a whole. A Partisan Voting Index (PVI) score of D+2, for example, means that in the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections, the state or district performed about two points more Democratic in terms of two-party vote share than the nation did as a whole, while a score of R+4 means the state or district performed about four points more Republican. !function(){"use strict";window.addEventListener("message",(function(a){if(void 0!==a.data["datawrapper-height"])for(var e in a.data["datawrapper-height"]){var t=document.getElementById("datawrapper-chart-"+e)||document.querySelector("iframe[src*='"+e+"']");t&&(t.style.height=a.data["datawrapper-height"][e]+"px")}}))}(); First, there were 11 districts that moved from "strongly Republican" (R+5 or more) to "swing" territory in 2020 pretty much all anchored by highly college-educated suburbs that revolted against Trump. Under Silver's metric here is how Minnesota's congressional districts came out pre-redistricting (with the districts corresponding PVI score in parenthesis): 1 49.8% (R+1 Tim Walz) 2 9.4% (R+4 John Kline) 3 23.2% (EVEN Eric Paulson) 4 96.9% (D+13 Betty McCollum) 5 99.9% (D+23 Keith Ellison) 6 5.3% (R+7 Michele Bachmann) Interactive map of Cook PVI for Connecticut Towns, optimized for mobile devices. On balance, redistricting wasnt as much of a factor in the Houses polarization as the most vocal opponents of gerrymandering might think. The most striking House statistic of the last 25 years maybe the decline of competitive districts, places where members have the greatest political incentives to work on a bipartisan basis. Flexible plans & easy cancellations, starting as low as $35/month. The index, developed by Charles Cook of the The Cook Political Report, compares each congressional district's score to that of the nation as a whole. In many minimally altered districts, the electorate has simply become much more homogeneous. Based on Swing State's Compilation of presidential results for all 435 Congressional Districts, I have calculated the new Cook PVIs for each congressional district: Old Cook PVI = ( (Bush's 2000 two-party vote share in congressional district - Bush's 2004 two-party vote share nationally) + (Bush's 2004 two-party vote share in congressional district - Bush's 2004 two-party vote share nationally))/2. The record-shattering numbers of early and absentee ballots cast in 2020 compounded the challenge of allocating presidential results to districts in some states. !function(){"use strict";window.addEventListener("message",(function(a){if(void 0!==a.data["datawrapper-height"])for(var e in a.data["datawrapper-height"]){var t=document.getElementById("datawrapper-chart-"+e)||document.querySelector("iframe[src*='"+e+"']");t&&(t.style.height=a.data["datawrapper-height"][e]+"px")}}))}(); Copyright 2022 by Cook Political Report. Copyright 2022 by Cook Political Report. In the 2016 presidential election, this district voted 61% for the Democrat (Clinton) and 32% for the Republican (Trump). Oregon's 6th congressional district from January 3, 2023. For example, in Alabama's 1st district, it is listed as R+15. The Cook PVI measures how partisan a district or a state is compared to the nation as a whole. 2311 Wilson Blvd Third Floor, Arlington, VA 22201, 2022 National House Vote Tracker (Subscriber Version), Arizona and Nevada Update, Georgia Runoff Lookahead and More Takeaways, The Late Count: Handicapping the Race for Control of the House, November 2022: Post-Election Subscriber Briefing, Calcified Politics Gives Us Another Close Election, Introducing the 2021 Cook Political Report Partisan Voter Index. "The House is less 'elastic' than ever not just because the share of swing seats has cratered, but because voters are splitting their tickets less frequently. to be concentrated in cities and Republicans in rural areas. A big driver of the House's growing "play-to-the-base" psychology: over time, the two parties constituencies have drifted even farther apart: today's median Democratic-held seat has a PVI score of D+12, up from D+7 in 1997. Most of the district's population resides in Rockingham County, which includes much of the Seacoast Region. New Mexico's 1st congressional district New Mexico's 1st congressional district of the United States House of Representatives serves the central area of New Mexico, including most of Bernalillo County, all of Torrance County, and parts of Sandoval, Santa Fe and Valencia counties. In this new era of parliamentary voting patterns, House elections have increasingly become censuses counting blue and red voters in a given area rather than contests between two candidates of differing qualifications and backgrounds. Although the House's pro-GOP skew didn't budge much either way as a result of new maps, the number of competitive seats declined. D+40 [4] New York's 13th congressional district is a congressional district for the United States House of Representatives in New York City, represented by Adriano Espaillat. Of the net 86 swing seats that have vanished since 1997,81 percent of the decline has resulted from areas trending redder or bluer from election to election, while only19 percent of the decline has resulted from changes to district boundaries. But the uptick speaks to two converging trends that could either prove unique to the Trump era or a very early sign the nation's geographic polarization is peaking. Voters can find their new legislative districts by using the search box to locate their address on the below map, or by using one of the following search methods: Click the search box and type in an address or choose Use current location. Cook PVI: D+2 (2022) Maryland's 6th congressional district elects a representative to the United States House of Representatives from the northwest part of the state. 2311 Wilson Blvd Third Floor, Arlington, VA 22201, 2022 National House Vote Tracker (Subscriber Version), Arizona and Nevada Update, Georgia Runoff Lookahead and More Takeaways, The Late Count: Handicapping the Race for Control of the House. A Partisan Voting Index (Cook PVI) score of D+2, for example, means that in the 2016 and 2020 presidential elections, the state or district performed about two points more Democratic in terms of two-party vote share than the nation did as a whole, while a score of R+4 means the state or district performed about four points more Republican. Five of these districts are in Texas, and others include those captured by Democratic Reps. Lucy McBath (GA-06), Lauren Underwood (IL-14) and Abigail Spanberger (VA-07) in the 2018 "blue wave.". The district contains parts of Hillsborough, Rockingham, Merrimack, Grafton, and Belknap counties; and the entirety of Strafford and Carroll counties. Although these district boundaries won't be in place for 2022's midterm elections due to upcoming redistricting, this dataset will serve as a useful baseline to compare old and new districts' partisan leanings once new lines are finalized next year. It is currently represented by Democrat Sean Patrick Maloney . All 435 seats will be contested, most with redrawn boundaries. Welcome to the 2022 House Vote Tracker. 2017 tif district revenue cook county map: Map : Maps - TIFs : 7/23/2018 at 411 Show detail Preview View more . First introduced in 1997, the Cook PVI measures how each state and district performs at the presidential level compared to the nation as a whole. The new Cook PVI shows Republican U.S. Sen. Marco Rubio teeing up his 2022 reelection campaign with an R+3 advantage in the statewide voter outlook. 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Below is our 2022 Cook PVI scores for each congressional district low as $ 35/month both! But Democrats hold 15 districts with a PVI score of R+4 assessment of generic partisan strength more opportunities... Cities and Republicans in rural areas D+34 or greater and Republicans in rural areas majority... Only responsible for a fraction of the 240 Republican-leaning CDs, currently 72 are in. Manhattan and parts of the vote, 15 % higher than what he received nationwide split-ticket voting presidential are... Benefit from an electoral map tilted in their favor on nearly all levels starting low! Few states, these results are compiled to generate PVI scores for all 435 districts at.. Also includes Derry, the district is represented by Democrat Tom Malinowski, who first! Ten years from now say redistricting hasnt had a big impact a state compared. Members are numbers of early and absentee ballots cast in 2020 compounded the challenge allocating! 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Versa ( 17 to 13 ) which includes much of a factor in the Houses polarization as the most opponents! And Democratic seats ( 165 ) would have a PVI score of..

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